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From the issue dated January 3,
2003
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Tip Jars and the New EconomyBy DALTON
CONLEY
In all the hubbub
about the rise and fall of the "new economy," one important trend
has gone undocumented: the steady increase in the number of tip jars
at restaurants, cafes, and other stores.
As far as I can
tell, no official statistics are kept on the number of tip jars in
consumer establishments, but over the last few years, I have noticed
a staggering increase. Today you cannot order a coffee, buy a bagel,
or pay for a photocopy without being asked to leave your change
behind for "better service" or, alternatively, "good
karma."
Their expansion to every service establishment seems
to march onward independent of the state of the economy. In good
times the supply of tips may be greater and thus drives their
spread. But during a recession, demand may increase as low-wage
workers rely on tips more than ever, and thus the proliferation of
jars continues unabated.
One way to view the spread of
tipping culture is that it represents the triumph of the free
market: The promise of 15 percent (or more) may spur better service
through direct economic incentives. That view rests on a number of
assumptions, however, most notably the promise of repeat business.
After all, why tip a taxi driver when you are about as likely to get
him again (and have him recognize you, the "big tipper") as to find
a pot of gold on Sixth Avenue?
In fact, the origins of the
multibillion-dollar culture of tipping are as vague as the reasons
for its continuance. Scholars are not even sure of the origins of
the word. Some historians attribute the habit and the word to
18th-century English coffeehouses, where collection boxes (not
unlike the tip jars of today) were often emblazoned with the words
"To Insure Promptitude" (TIP).
Other researchers date its
ancestry to the Middle Ages (before capitalism), when feudal lords
tossed coins to beggars on the road to insure safe passage. And
others see the origins in the Dutch word tippen -- that
is, to tap on a table for service -- or the Latin word
stips, which translates as "gift." Although the word may be
fairly recent in history, the practice most likely long predates any
of these records.
So while the benefits and origins of
tipping are questionable, the social costs may be large, even as
they remain hidden. About 100 years ago the German social
philosopher Georg Simmel wrote a series of lectures and essays that
would come to be the largest philosophical treatise on money. One of
his keenest observations was the way that forms of payment affect
social relations. In Simmel's view, modern society has gone through
an evolution of sorts in payment schemes. First there was "in kind"
payment. For example, a serf received some food and shelter for
tilling the soil. She wasn't much different than oxen who were fed
and stored for the night. Basic human needs were taken care of, but
the dependence of the worker on the largess of the master was, in
Simmel's view, dehumanizing.
Then came the "good old" days of
craftsmen and cottage industry, when workers were paid on a per-unit
basis. That is, you agree on the price for, say, a chair. The
furniture maker procures the raw materials, fashions the chair, and
delivers it "on spec." If the wood is rotten, or he makes a mistake
and has to start over again, there goes his profit margin. He bears
all the risk. His wages are dependent on the quality of the capital
goods.
One step up the ladder from per-unit payment is
hourly wages. While many social theorists (most notably Karl Marx)
saw the advent of wage labor as something to be mourned, Simmel saw
it as a further step toward worker liberation. Now the worker was
privileged over the raw materials. If the wood were rotten, and the
chair turned out to be no good, the worker would be paid all the
same.
Even better is a salary. Now the worker is not even
dependent on how much work there is to do. His salary is based on
what the employer thinks is a reasonable standard of living for
someone occupying that kind of position. Still better are honoraria
and grants, since they are promised before the work is even
performed and are totally independent of the outcome.
Tips,
in this schema, are a big step backward. It is already bad enough
that service workers are programmed to wish us a "nice day" and to
plaster a perma-grin on their faces from the moment they show up to
work.
The imposing tip jar further muddles business and
sociability. If the promise of a dollar in the jar is what compels
someone to be friendly, does that not cheapen smiles in general?
Conversely, how can service workers and customers be on equal
footing if the cashier's livelihood depends on the largess of the
person ordering the mochachino? Also, studies show that aspects of
the servers do affect tipping, although in a meritocratic world they
should not. For instance, attractive females receive higher tips,
according to at least one psychology study.
The presence of
in-your-face money not only hurts the relationship between the
customer and the service worker, it also damages the relationship
between the worker and the firm. Tipping creates what economists
call a principal-agent problem. In other words, it creates different
incentives for the worker and the owner of an establishment. A
waiter whose income largely derives from tips is more likely to give
an extra scoop of ice cream to a customer. Research shows that these
kinds of acts do increase tips on average, but they, of course, cut
into the profit margin of the ice-cream parlor.
More
importantly, tipping also is not good for the workers themselves.
While often appearing to be tax-free revenue, tips create a high
degree of income insecurity. Public-opinion research has shown that
most customers would prefer that service workers were paid better
wages and thereby the need for and practice of tipping could be
eliminated -- which leads us to the age-old debate over the
minimum wage.
The empirical arguments against raising the
minimum wage focus on the perceived loss of jobs. If workers cost
more, goes the neoclassical economics argument, then employers will
hire fewer of them. While the debate is far from settled, a study by
economists David Card and Alan Krueger has seriously challenged that
view. By comparing the changes in employment rates in neighboring
areas across state lines after one state raised its minimum wage and
the other did not, they found no detrimental effect on labor-market
opportunities resulting from wage increases. The demand for
unskilled labor, it seems, may not be as elastic (that is,
responsive) to price as once thought. Of course, those relationships
may vary by other factors such as the state of the national and
local economy, labor laws, and the local cost of living.
So
-- in light of research and public opinion that casts the
expansion of tipping and tip jars in a negative light -- why
the proliferation? Again, while the lack of official statistics
makes any analysis nothing more than educated conjecture, my guess
is that the proliferation is at least partially the result of rising
income and wealth inequality in the United States. In a recent
article, the economist Paul Krugman cites a Congressional Budget
Office study that found "that between 1979 and 1997, the after-tax
incomes of the top 1 percent of families rose 157 percent, compared
with only a 10-percent gain for families near the middle of the
income distribution." The result, he writes, is that we are now at a
point where the richest one-hundredth of a percent of households
-- a mere 13,000 households in all -- enjoy "almost as
much income as the 20 million poorest households."
While the
rich get richer, those who serve the rich are increasingly left to
appeal to the better instincts of the well off. The rich also need
to have a way to release their guilt. If they tip big, then how bad
can they feel for driving $40,000 SUV's and drinking their $4
coffees? (Of course, often it is the less well off who tip the most,
out of insecurity.)
The cruelest irony, is that, of course,
the worst-paid jobs do not even afford their workers the option to
garner tips. The men and women who take the orders and bus the
tables at the McDonald's and KFC restaurants of the world earn
minimal (if not minimum) wages, receive no health benefits, and
cannot even ask for tips. Also in this category of the untipped are
maintenance and domestic workers, dishwashers, security personnel,
and many other hidden service workers who work hard to ensure that
we "have a nice day."
In fact, at one time, McDonald's
allowed the practice, but the managers pocketed the money. When the
public discovered this practice, outrage boiled over, and it was
ended. So now it is only the employees in the middlebrow and
high-end service establishments -- ranging from Starbucks
(whose employees at least get health insurance) to the funky coffee
shops it competes with -- who are able to paint the side of a
sugar canister in bright letters asking for donations. And those of
us who can afford to tip are placed in one more daily bind
-- do we encourage the spread of tip jars by giving? Or do we
find time in our busy days to rally for better wages for the hardest
working, worst paid among us?
Another double latte,
please.
Dalton Conley is director of the Center for
Advanced Social Science Research at New York University and author
of the memoir Honky (University of California Press,
2000).
http://chronicle.com Section: The Chronicle Review Volume 49,
Issue 17, Page B15
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Copyright © 2003 by The
Chronicle of Higher Education
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