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The Marshal Comes to Cyberspace:
Legal Dilemmas Involving the Regulation of 
Troublesome Behavior on the Internet

Published in New Dimensions in Communication XIV: Proceedings of the 58th Annual Conference of the New York State Communication Association, 29-45.

 
Presented at the New York State Communication Association Annual Conference

Monticello, New York, September 22, 2000
(c) 2000 Janet Sternberg
Abstract:  As the Internet has evolved, existing legal frameworks have been challenged by the rise of troublesome behavior online.  In this paper, I discuss several cases which illustrate the futility of attempting to regulate behavior in cyberspace on the basis of nationally-oriented legal systems.  Examples of legal dilemmas that arise on the Internet include:  definition schizophrenia in handling troublemakers due to the ambiguous delineation between criminal and prankster; and regulatory chaos provoked by the Internet's manifold overlapping jurisdictions, resembling a circus without a ringmaster.  I conclude that nationally-oriented legal systems are inherently inadequate for regulating troublesome behavior on the global Internet, and that alternative approaches merit further consideration.
In the preface to a recent anthology about online security, revealingly entitled Internet Besieged:  Countering Cyberspace Scofflaws, editors Dorothy and Peter Denning offer a wonderful description of the sorts of troublesome behavior found in cyberspace nowadays.  The Dennings summarize various online security perils and the atmosphere created thereby as follows:
The Internet is a risky place....  Hackers, crackers, snoops, spoofers, spammers, scammers, shammers, jammers, intruders, thieves, purloiners, conspirators, vandals, Trojan horse dealers, virus launchers, and rogue program purveyors run loose, plying regularly their nasty crafts and dirty deeds.  Many do so shamelessly, enjoying near perfect anonymity -- using forged addresses, untraceable links, and unbreakable codes.  Analogies to the Old American West, populated by unruly cowboys and a shoot-first-ask-later-mentality, are more appropriate than the coiners of the phrase “electronic frontier” ever imagined.  Many law-abiding citizens, who simply want to conduct their business in peace, are demanding that the marshal come to cyberspace. (1998, p. vii)
With troublesome behavior such as the Dennings so poetically depict casting ominous shadows on the Internet horizon, it comes as no surprise that metaphors related to a frontier or Wild West mentality are often applied to life online (Strate, 1999, pp. 392-394).  For example, one anthology on cyberspace issues bears the evocative title High Noon on the Electronic Frontier (Ludlow, 1996).  A researcher studying virtual communities describes “a frontier ethic of taking the law into one’s own hands....  an informal system of frontier justice” (A. D. Smith, 1999, p. 147).  Other researchers identify “outlaw” as a social role online (e.g., McLaughlin et al., 1995, p. 94), and one investigator reports on an outlaw mindset prevalent in virtual gaming communities (Kim, 1998).  Another researcher tells of the “cyberspace cowboy -- someone who may be mild-mannered in person, but dons a flamboyant CMC persona when online” (Thompsen, 1996, p. 305).
 
On the other hand, some researchers portray the electronic frontier in more cheerful fashion.  For instance, one optimist declares cyberspace to be “an appealing frontier for a new generation of Americans” (Healy, 1997, p. 57).  A rather sunny vision of cyberspace comes from a group of scholars who assert that “the frontierlike quality of this new world” fosters considerable playfulness (Danet et al., 1998, p. 44).  Another optimist claims that troublesome behavior is “part of life on the electronic frontier” and blithely predicts that “as with previous frontiers, law-abiding citizens will eventually displace the outlaws” (Thompsen, 1996, p. 311).  But the most balanced and sensible evaluation is provided by the doyenne of cyberlaw scholarship, Ann Wells Branscomb, writing as guest editor of a special issue of the Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication entitled “Emerging Law on the Electronic Frontier.”  In her introductory article, after reviewing the history of legal concerns about rogue and abusive online behavior, Branscomb ultimately concludes that cyberspace offers “both familiar territory and lawless frontiers” (1996).
 
Nevertheless, despite those who argue against representing cyberspace as a Wild West frontier colonized by outlaws (e.g., Maltz, 1996), this perception still endures, as evidenced by a remark made in 1999 by U.S. Attorney General Janet Reno.  Speaking to Department of Justice officials and members of the Information Technology Association of America, in a summit meeting aimed at forging a partnership to fight cybercrime, Reno cautioned:  “we cannot allow cyberspace to become the Wild West of the Information Age” (cited in Associated Press, March 15, 1999; Tillett, March 23, 1999).
 
 So, the marshal has come to cyberspace.  And with what results?  Dubious ones, alas.  To put it plainly, as the Internet has evolved, the rise of troublesome behavior online has challenged and strained existing regulatory frameworks.  Such frameworks, for the most part, endeavor to regulate behavior in cyberspace on the basis of nationally-oriented legal systems.  However, given the transnational nature and global scope of the Internet, nationally-oriented legal systems are inherently inadequate for regulating online behavior.  When nationally-oriented regulatory frameworks are applied to solve Internet troubles, all sorts of legal dilemmas arise.  This paper discusses several dilemmas which illustrate the futility of attempting to regulate troublesome online behavior from nationally-oriented perspectives.  Although there are various legal dilemmas to choose from, and no lack of instructive examples, the focus here is on two types:  the first type of dilemma may be referred to as “definition schizophrenia,” and the second as the “jurisdiction circus.”
 
Definition schizophrenia is one type of legal dilemma that arises in attempting to regulate troublesome behavior on the Internet.  Perceptions of those who provoke disruptions in cyberspace, as well as decisions about how to deal with them, are uncertain and inconsistent.  Should online troublemakers be considered malevolent criminals or mischievous pranksters, or creatures lying somewhere on a continuum between the two extremes?  With respect to cyberspace, as Branscomb points out, we are still asking, “what constitutes criminal behavior?” (1996).  Questions such as these haunt and bedevil legal authorities and security experts, scholars and journalists, Internet newcomers and sophisticated Internauts around the world.  One well-known tracker of cyberspace offenders, Clifford Stoll, describes the situation this way:  “as communities grow, social and legal structures follow.  In our networked community, there is frustration and confusion over what constitutes a crime and what is acceptable behavior” (1991, p. 547).  Thus, because the definitional waters are so murky, the regulatory pendulum swings erratically from criminal to prankster and back again.  The scales of justice remain unbalanced, with troublesome online behavior being judged seriously illegal here but merely naughty there. This is definition schizophrenia.
 
Hacking, in particular, seems to straddle the border between felony and tomfoolery, with the dividing line shifting almost as often as the courts render their decisions.  Early signs of definition schizophrenia appear in the case of the “Internet Worm” created in 1988 by hacker Robert Tappan Morris (see, e.g., Branscomb, 1995, pp. 90-92; D. E. Denning, 1998, p. 29; Denning & Denning, 1998, p. ix; Rose, 1995, pp. 139, 193; Spafford, 1995).  While studying computer science at Cornell University, Morris released an experimental program whose outcome was far more dramatic than he anticipated.  The Worm invaded and overloaded a significant number of the host computers on the Internet at that time, essentially shutting down the whole network for several days.  But, as Branscomb explains, this incident suggests “a dilemma as to whether or not criminal punishment is appropriate under the circumstances” because it remains unclear whether Morris actually committed a crime.  No damage to hardware or software occurred and, as Branscomb notes, “most computer crime laws require an intent to inflict harm, which was allegedly lacking in this case” (1995, p. 91).  In fact, Branscomb observes that “among some of the young computer literati (often referred to as ‘hackers’), [Morris] is looked upon as a folk hero” (1995, p. 91; see also Branscomb, 1996).  Nonetheless, as one journalist reports, “on January 23, 1990 a federal jury found Mr. Morris guilty of intentionally disrupting a nationwide computer network, the first jury conviction under the 1986 [Computer Fraud and Abuse] act” (J. Markoff, cited in Rosenberg, 1997, p. 235).  And, folk hero though he may be, according to the online Computer Museum (http://www.tcm.org), Morris was sentenced to three years’ probation, 400 hours of community service, and a fine of $10,050.
 
Ever since Morris failed to escape paying for his hacking escapade over a decade ago, definition schizophrenia has been on the rise.  To illustrate the ongoing dilemma of definition schizophrenia, and the diametrically-opposed resolutions to which such ambiguity can lead, some recent examples are in order.  Two major virus cases from 1999 provide an opportunity to compare how their creators were defined and treated:  first, the “Melissa” virus launched from the United States by David L. Smith, and then, the “Chernobyl” virus released from Taiwan by Chen Ing-hau.
 
In the case of Melissa, characterized at the time as “the fastest spreading computer virus in history,” Smith’s attorney defended his client as lacking intent to harm because the Melissa virus was annoying but not destructive (reminiscent of Morris’s Internet Worm).  Insisting that “we’re dealing with someone more akin to a graffiti artist [than] an international cyberterrorist,” Smith’s attorney nevertheless did admit that one could not “dismiss the virus as a ‘harmless prank’” (cited in The New York Times, April 9, 1999; see also Associated Press, April 7, 1999; Cascio, April 7, 1999; The New York Times, April 7, 1999).  Indeed, New Jersey state prosecutors did not dismiss Melissa as a harmless prank.  Instead, they charged Smith with “five felony counts of computer theft, unlawful computer access, illegal interruption of public communication and conspiracy that could result in prison terms totaling 40 years and fines amounting to nearly a half-million dollars”; future federal charges may result as well (CNN, April 8, 1999).
 
In contrast, barely a month after the Melissa epidemic, the aptly-named Chernobyl virus surfaced, potent and deadly, decimating hundreds of thousands of computers, primarily in Asia.  Although Chernobyl and its variants were “among the most damaging viruses of recent years,” creator Chen Ing-hau was treated far more leniently in his native Taiwan than Melissa’s creator Smith was in the United States (Reuters, April 30, 1999; see also CNN, April 27, 1999; Marriott, June 10, 1999; MSNBC, April 30, 1999; Sullivan, May 25, 1999).  Chen was not prosecuted at all, nor was he expelled from the college he attended while writing the virus.  They merely gave him a demerit, and allowed him to graduate anyway; he then went on to compulsory national military service (Associated Press, April 29, 1999; Guernsey, June 10, 1999).  Thus, the troublemaker responsible for the extremely malign Chernobyl virus is reprimanded in Taiwan as a prankster, while the troublemaker behind the relatively benign Melissa virus is prosecuted in the United States as a criminal.  Voilà -- definition schizophrenia.
 
The contrast between the Chernobyl caper in Taiwan and the Melissa mayhem in the United States suggests another bewildering set of problems in cyberspace, the second sort of legal dilemma addressed in this paper:  the jurisdiction circus.  The question that leads to the jurisdiction circus is this:  once an offense in cyberspace has been defined as criminal, who will deal with the offender?  Or, to put it another way, who controls the regulation of troublesome behavior in cyberspace?
 
The basic jurisdiction dilemma is summarized by Peter Denning as follows:  “modern law enforcement is based on jurisdictions -- local authorities who will prosecute local infractions.  It is still an open question as to how to deal with the Internet, where there is often no well-defined jurisdiction” (1998, p. 381).  Not surprisingly, legal maven Branscomb identifies “cyberjurisdiction” as a critical dilemma (1996).  One illustrative report on jurisdiction in cyberspace is a study aimed at minimizing legal risks for Web site operators which addresses matters such as where individuals can be sued and whose laws apply.  The authors of the report conclude that:
The law of personal jurisdiction based on Internet and Web contacts is, at best, uncertain and unpredictable and, at worst, has the potential of subjecting Web site operators to litigation in the courts of every state in the country ... and potentially in foreign countries as well. (Perry et al., 1998, p. 11)
The transnational nature of cyberspace is the crux of the matter in the jurisdiction circus.  As Branscomb explains, “the epidemic of rogue behavior [online] is a global problem which cannot be contained merely by state or even national laws but will likely require a considerable amount of coordination at the international level if the electronic highways are to be safe” (1995, p. 97).  A pair of Australian researchers clarifies the dilemma as follows:  “telecommunications offences may involve a number of jurisdictions internationally, with the offender, the victim, and the technology necessary to carry out the offence all being present in different countries,” which can lead to “the anomalous situation of the same conduct giving rise to criminal liability in one jurisdiction, but not in another” (Grabowsky & R. G. Smith, 1998, p. 219).
 
Compounding the chaos in the jurisdiction circus are the practical difficulties of international law enforcement, which is certainly an intricate enterprise (see, e.g., Gardrat, 1998; Grabowsky & R. G. Smith, 1998).  One cyberlaw expert notes that “local authorities cannot easily control a global net [and] may not have jurisdiction over all relevant parties” (D. R. Johnson, 1996).  Branscomb elaborates on this point as follows:  “local authorities usually lack the capability of catching offenders who merely transgress local statutes online and are far beyond the geographical jurisdiction within which local authorities can catch and punish them” (1996).  And as one report suggests, “even if a suspect is caught, jurisdictional issues arise because of the global nature of such attacks” (Associated Press, May 15, 2000).
 
Furthermore, the unavoidable fact that different places have different standards also creates confusion, ambiguity, and awkwardness in the jurisdiction circus.  Nobody better than legal eagle Branscomb to sum up the complexities involved:
As users of electronic networks and “netizens” of the new cybercommunities in the Networld, we circle the globe passing through many jurisdictions, potentially contravening local laws, possibly without any apparent knowledge of local custom, and lacking any sense of shame or remorse for our potential wrongdoings. (1996)
A French scholar adds that “the problem at present is not the absence of legal rules, but rather the multiplication of legal rules, their appropriateness, and their application in international contexts”; with such an abundance of conflicting legal regimes, something which is “neither obscene nor defamatory under local law ... may become accessible in other jurisdictions where it is illegal” (Gardrat, 1998, p. 27).  And according to a Norwegian judge attending an international conference on cybercrime, “computer attack, unlike murder or robbery, is still not universally recognized as a crime.  Laws to fight it are typically found only in industrialized nations that depend on computers” (cited in Associated Press, May 15, 2000).  So, the jurisdiction circus goes on worldwide.
 
But even domestically, within the United States, jurisdiction is a tricky business.  One Department of Justice official summarized the quandary in this country rather succinctly:  “there is no U.S. Attorney for Cyberspace....  A U.S. Attorney for a particular district has to bring the case” (cited in Kaplan, August 20, 1999).  As an example of domestic ambiguity producing bizarre results, there is an incident often cited in discussions of cyberjurisdiction:  the controversial Thomas lawsuit (see, e.g., P. J. Denning, 1998; Wallace & Mangan, 1997).  The Thomases owned and operated a racy electronic bulletin board service in California, where they resided.  Strange as it might seem, this couple was convicted in Tennessee, under federal obscenity statutes, for doing something online while physically in California.
 
Among those who have analyzed the Thomas affair is Mike Godwin, former legal counsel to the Electronic Frontier Foundation.  Godwin notes a chilling effect in the Thomas case:  “a conservative jurisdiction like Memphis may be in a position to dictate what’s allowable on BBSs all over the country” (1996, p. 269).  He further observes that this controversial lawsuit “raises the question of whether it makes sense to define ‘community standards’ solely in terms of geographic communities.”  Godwin concludes that the Thomas conviction “sends a frightening message to virtual communities:  ‘It doesn’t matter if you’re abiding by your own community’s standards -- you have to abide by Memphis’s as well’” (pp. 272-273).  But, as a rather pragmatic researcher asks, “do we really think that people in Memphis can enforce their pornographic community standards on people in California?...  People in California are never gonna behave in a way that satisfies people in Tennessee” (Sterling, 1998, p. 488).  So, even domestically, the jurisdiction circus goes on.
 
In a 1996 article on the Thomas episode, one prophetic investigator speculates about the possible outcome of a similar situation on the international level, posing the following jurisdiction riddle: 
What happens when [material] hops over borders and lands in a different city -- or country -- whose laws and community standards may differ....  The rules of libel in England, for example, are considerably more restrictive than those in the U.S.; what might be considered a fair crack at a public figure in New York City could be actionable in London. (Elmer-Dewitt, 1996, pp. 260-261)
What was mere speculation in 1996 became reality in the year 2000.  In a case first attracting public attention in May 2000 and still making headlines, French authorities are trying to force Yahoo!, an American company operating from the United States, to restrict access in France to Nazi memorabilia available worldwide at Yahoo!’s English-language auction site on the Web.  Instead of a national conflict over different moral standards in two states, as in the Thomas affair, it is now an international battle pitting French regulations concerning Nazi-era material against the U.S. constitutional right to freedom of expression.
 
With the phrase “jurisdiction dilemma” in the headline of a column about the Yahoo! lawsuit, one journalist echoes questions asked earlier in the domestic context of the Thomas incident, but here on a global scale:
The [Yahoo!] case points up an enduring legal and cultural puzzle ... in borderless cyberspace:  What happens when the laws and traditions of a country that receives an online message clash with the laws and values of the land where the message originated? (Kaplan, August 11, 2000)
The Yahoo! litigation continues in the French courts, with the resolution pending.  But one of the cofounders of the company, Jerry Yang, is reported to have stood firm, saying:  “We are not going to change the content of our sites in the United States just because someone in France is asking us to do so” (cited in Reuters, June 16, 2000; see also Baum, August 14, 2000; Sprenger et al., May 29, 2000).  Stay tuned for further performances of the France-Yahoo!-Nazi act in the jurisdiction circus.
 
And so, there are both domestic and global dimensions to the jurisdiction circus.  But there is no centralized organ governing the Internet, nowhere in particular to appeal when problems arise.  Nobody can be sure just who is in charge.  Lacking any central administration to deal with Internet-wide trouble, until now, we have primarily resorted to nationally-oriented authorities:  law enforcement agencies, government institutions, and sporadic combinations thereof.  Such authorities, for the most part, act on behalf of nationally-oriented regulatory frameworks.  However, the Internet effectively erases national boundaries.  As a result, there are many players performing a multitude of disparate acts in the jurisdiction circus of cyberspace, but there is no ringmaster to coordinate the entire show.
 
Thus, with respect to the regulation of troublesome online behavior, we cannot agree on what constitutes cybercrime or who controls cyberspace.  Because of legal dilemmas such as definition schizophrenia and the jurisdiction circus, to date, attempts at regulating behavior in cyberspace have produced muddled and inconsistent outcomes, with drastically inequitable consequences for offenders in different places.  Due to the ambiguous delineation between criminal and prankster, our dealings with online troublemakers are afflicted with definition schizophrenia.  Thanks to the regulatory chaos provoked by the Internet’s manifold overlapping regimes, the jurisdiction circus in cyberspace has no ringmaster.  Yet international efforts at cooperation have begun, and are increasing in frequency, if not yet in efficacy.  Perhaps someday we will succeed in curing definition schizophrenia and in managing the jurisdiction circus.  In the meantime, to round out this report on how the marshal is faring in cyberspace, here are three brief updates concerning definition schizophrenia, the jurisdiction circus, and the overall idea of regulating behavior on the Internet.
 
First, an update on definition schizophrenia.  In May 2000, the “I Love You” virus struck from the Philippines, apparently authored by another computer science student, Onel de Guzman (see, e.g., Arnold, May 15, 2000; Chebium, May 8, 2000; CNN, May 9, 2000a, 2000b; Markoff, May 6, 2000; Mydans, May 9, 2000a, 2000b; Ramos, May 18, 2000).  Popularly known as the “Love Bug,” this virus spread more rapidly than Melissa and destroyed as much as Chernobyl.  One computer security specialist described the new virus as “Melissa on steroids” (cited in Markoff, May 5, 2000; see also CNN, June 29, 2000; Hopper, May 4, 2000, May 8, 2000),  Shortly after the Love Bug outbreak, at an international conference on cybercrime spurred in part by global outrage at the damage wrought by this cyberattack, France’s Interior Minister Jean-Pierre Chevenement issued an ominous warning to future troublemakers:  “A teen-ager must understand that even if he is very talented in using computers, that pranks that he might make on the Internet could constitute serious crimes that will put him in prison.  The Internet is no longer a joke” (cited in Seward, May 15, 2000; see also de Bony, May 18, 2000).
 
Next, an update on the jurisdiction circus.  In February 2000, “Mafiaboy,” a Canadian teen-ager referred to by his online pseudonym, allegedly perpetrated “denial of service” attacks that jammed high-profile Web sites such as CNN, Yahoo! and e-Bay, rendering them temporarily useless (Reuters, August 4, 2000; see also Associated Press, April 19, 2000; Brick, April 19, 2000; Hopper, April 19, 2000b).  Mafiaboy is being prosecuted in Canada for multiple counts of “mischief to data.”  Normally, such charges carry several years’ prison sentence, but leniency is expected due to Mafiaboy’s tender age of fifteen at the time of the attacks.  His youth also makes it unlikely that he will be extradited to the United States, home of the affected Web sites, which suffered significant financial losses.  On the occasion of Mafiaboy’s arrest, Inspector Yves Roussell of the Royal Canadian Mounties had stern words for would-be troublemakers:  “Hackers are no longer immune from prosecution because of borders....  No matter where they are or who they are, hackers will be investigated, arrested and prosecuted in the courts” (cited in Hopper, April 19, 2000a).
 
Finally, an update on regulating behavior in cyberspace.  In August 2000, New Scientist magazine published an interview with Robert Cailliau, a Belgian computer engineer considered a cyberspace pioneer for having worked with Tim Berners-Lee in developing the World Wide Web.  Several of Cailliau’s observations in this interview concern the need for online behavioral standards, and he raises various issues, some of them controversial.  What is most impressive is that he calls not only for a global legal and regulatory framework, but also for intervention at the local level to provide education and guidance for people in general about appropriate and inappropriate behavior online.  Cailliau says:
The Net is a space in which you encounter others, so there has to be some regulation of behaviour....  This is something to implement in international conventions and for citizens to reflect and decide on.  Unfortunately we have a global network, a global economy and global companies, but we have not got a global legal system....  What I want is behaviour regulation.  We should all know what our rights and duties are. (August 26, 2000, italics added)
Having begun these remarks by citing the Dennings’ passage about troublesome behavior on the Internet which served as inspiration for this paper, it seems fitting to close by sharing one last comment published on the occasion of Cailliau’s interview, from a French news wire release, author unknown.  The anonymous writer suggests that “regulation of the Internet is one of the hottest issues in cyberspace, made more acute by rising incidence of computer vandalism, pornography and fraud and other cross-border crimes that have exposed gaping holes in national laws” (Agence France-Presse, August 27, 2000).  In conclusion, despite the marshal’s efforts in cyberspace, the time has come to transcend nationally-oriented regulatory frameworks and consider alternative approaches.  Legal dilemmas such as definition schizophrenia and the jurisdiction circus will continue to perplex us, until we develop local as well as global strategies for regulating troublesome behavior on the Internet.

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